La experiencia analítica desde el punto de vista del analizando. Profilaxis. Etica y psicoanálisis. Psicología y poder. Terapias adictivas. La sociedad psicologizada. Mala praxis. Una denuncia
anaclisis [anaclisis] f. (Fisiol. hum.) Decúbito, especialmente el supino. (Estar acostado hacia arriba.) aná ἀνά (gr. ‘hacia arriba’, ‘por completo’, ‘de nuevo’, ‘por partes’) + klī‑ κλῑ‑ (gr. ‘inclinarse, tumbarse’; κρεβάτι, κλίνη ‘lecho’) + ‑sis (gr.) [Leng. base: gr. Antiguo.
En gr. anáklisis ἀνάκλισις con el mismo significado desde Hipócrates, s. V a.C., reintroducido] // En psiquiatría, dependencia emocional, inclinación hacia el ser de quien se depende o que domina, en particular la primera relación objetal que establece el niño, caracterizada por la completa dependencia de éste respecto de su madre.
“–Si yo lo inquieto tanto mejor. Desde el punto de vista del público, lo que yo considero como más deseable, es lanzar un grito de alarma y que tenga, en el terreno científico, una significación muy precisa: que sea un llamado, una exigencia primera concerniente a la formación del analista.” J. Lacan

domingo, 1 de enero de 2012

Therapy inside prison


Fewer than 55,000 Americans currently receive treatment in psychiatric hospitals. Meanwhile, almost 10 times that number -- nearly 500,000 -- mentally ill men and women are serving time in U.S. jails and prisons. As sheriffs and prison wardens become the unexpected and often ill-equipped caretakers of this burgeoning population, they raise a troubling new concern: Have America's jails and prisons become its new asylums?

Now available: FRONTLINE has a new feature allowing you to listen to commentary from the program's producers as you watch "The New Asylums." We recommend you view the program first (in high or low connections) and afterward click on "Commentary." We would appreciate your feedback on this new feature - please let us know what you think.
Fewer than 55,000 Americans currently receive treatment in psychiatric hospitals. Meanwhile, almost 10 times that number -- nearly 500,000 -- mentally ill men and women are serving time in U.S. jails and prisons. As sheriffs and prison wardens become the unexpected and often ill-equipped caretakers of this burgeoning population, they raise a troubling new concern: Have America's jails and prisons become its new asylums? (more) »
"We are the gatekeepers of a lot of persons who are mentally ill, and that's not something we relish. ... We don't like the idea that we're being charged with fixing a lot of the woes of our communities," says Reginald Wilkinson, director of the Ohio Department of Corrections. "In addition to being the director of the Department of Corrections, I became a de facto director of a major mental health system."
In "The New Asylums," FRONTLINE goes deep inside Ohio's state prison system to explore the complex and growing issue of mentally ill prisoners. With unprecedented access to prison therapy sessions, mental health treatment meetings, crisis wards, and prison disciplinary tribunals, the film provides a poignant and disturbing portrait of the new reality for the mentally ill.
"It was surprising to see how much treatment was going on inside Ohio's prisons," say FRONTLINE producers Miri Navasky and Karen O'Connor. "And while the prison system is doing a commendable job, you are still left with the feeling that prison is not the answer to this very large social problem."
As the rising number of mentally ill inmates shows no sign of abating, those working inside the nation's prisons are struggling with a system designed for security, not treatment. Corrections officers now have the responsibility of not only securing inmates, but also working with mental health staff to identify and manage disturbed prisoners.
"Providing effective psychiatric care in a maximum security prison is extraordinarily difficult," says prison psychiatrist Gary Beven. "If you have untreated manic depression or bipolar disorder, untreated schizophrenia, somebody might be hallucinating and extremely paranoid. If you don't identify the fact that [a] person has schizophrenia, if you don't provide them with the proper medication, if you don't place them in an environment that allows them to function at an adequate level, then it's just a matter of time, perhaps, [that] something aggressive might occur."
And because these inmates have difficulty following prison rules, a disproportionate number are placed in solitary confinement. "People who are just so unsocialized and so psychologically fragile to begin with are deprived of any kind of social support, any kind of psychological stimulus. And they just fall apart," says Fred Cohen, a prison litigation specialist.
Inmate Carl McEachron, sent to prison for stealing a bicycle in 1988, has spent much of his time in prison in isolation, unable to cope with the strict prison environment and racking up an extensive list of violations. His mental illness was left undiagnosed and untreated until recently.
"He was the type of individual who was very difficult to work with," says Beven. "[He's] been very aggressive towards staff, including, I believe, by spitting on staff members and throwing body waste. And so there wasn't a lot of empathy for him. ... The tendency would be for somebody like that to just [say], 'Let's lock him away … let's just not have anything to do with him.'"
"Being placed in a solitary situation is like being placed in a prison's prison," McEachron tells FRONTLINE. "And that's worse than simply being taken from society and placed in prison."
Eventually, a majority of mentally ill inmates are released back into the community, generally with a limited amount of medication, little preparation, and sometimes no family or support structure. "We release people with two weeks' worth of medication. Yet it appears that it's taking three months for people to actually get an appointment in the community to continue their services … and if they don't have the energy and/or the insight to do that, they're going to fall through the cracks and end up back in some kind of criminal activity," warns Debbie Nixon-Hughes, chief of the mental health bureau of the Ohio Department of Corrections.
Within six days of being paroled in 2000, inmate Sigmon Clark, a paranoid schizophrenic, was rearrested for robbery. "Six days with $75 in my pocket. Fare the best way you can, man. We done took 12 years out of your life, and you're mentally ill … do what you can for yourself," Clark tells FRONTLINE.
Some feel change will be difficult to implement.
"Many of those persons who would have been in state hospitals are now in state prisons," Wilkinson says. "I've actually had a judge mention to me before that, 'Hey, we hate to do this, but we know the person will get treated if we send this person to prison.'"

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Marcel Proust

... Entre los intervalos de los instrumentos musicales, cuando la mar estaba muy llena, se oía, continuo y ligado, el resbalar del agua de una ola que envolvía los trazos del violín en sus volutas de cristal y parecía lanzar su espuma por encima de los ecos intermitentes de una música submarina. Yo me impacientaba porque no me habían traído aun las cosas para empezar a vestirme. Daban las doce, y Francisca aparecía. Y durante varios meses seguidos, en ese Balbec que tanto codicié, porque me lo imaginaba batido por las tempestades y perdido entre brumas, hizo un tiempo tan seguro y tan brillante que cuando venía a descorrer las cortinas nunca me vi defraudado en mi esperanza de encontrar ese mismo lienzo de sol pegado al rincón de la pared de afuera y de un inmutable color, que impresionaba, más aun que por ser signo del estío, por su colorido melancólico, cual el de un esmalte inerte y ficticio. Y mientras que Francisca iba quitando los alfileres de las impostas, arrancaba telas y descorría cortinas, el día de verano que descubría ella parecía tan muerto, tan inmemorial como una momia suntuosa y milenaria que nuestra vieja criada despojaba cuidadosamente de toda su lencería antes de mostrarla embalsamada en su túnica de oro. ... Marcel Proust


R.D. Laing

--- Knots (Nudos) R.D. Laing (extracto) People can act very strange. At least ... I think they act very strange. And maybe other people think that I am the one who’s acting very strange. Do you know the feeling? Effective comunication is difficult to construct. There are some many knots in human understanding ... Can you unite these ones? There must be something the matter with him because he would not be acting as he does unless there was therefore he is acting as he is because there is something the matter with him. He does not think there is anything the matter with him because one of the things that is the matter with him is that he does not think that there is anything the matter with him therefore we have to help him to realize that the fact that he does not think that there is anythingthe matter with him is one of the things that is the matter with him. There is something I don’t know that I am suposed to know. I don’t know what it is I don’t know,and yet I am suposed to know,and I feel I look stupidif I seem both not to know it and not to know what it is I don´t know. Therefore I pretend I know it. This is nerve-ranking since I don’t know what I must pretend to know. Therefore I pretend to know everything. I feel you know what I am supposed to know. But you can’t tell me what it is. Because you don’t know that I don’t know what it is. You may know what I don’t know, but not that I don’t know it, and I can’t tell you. So you will have to tell me everything. Absurd, isn’t it? But very real as well. I’m sure you have had similar experiences. What can we do to better our communications? How can we avoid to feel bad? How can we avoid that other persons feel bad? if ( "true" == "false" )... R D Laing

Ronald Laing, the radical psychiatrist, psychoanalyst and psychotherapist who profoundly altered our understanding of mental illness, was the founder of just one organisation - the Philadelphia Association.

Born in Glasgow in 1927 R D Laing studied medicine at the University of Glasgow and went on to become a psychiatrist. His first experiment in changing the way people designated the mentally ill took place at Glasgow’s Gartnavel Hospital where he and colleagues radically altered the treatment regime in a long-term women's ward.

Laing moved to London to work at the Tavistock Clinic and trained as a psychoanalyst at the Institute of Psychoanalysis. Laing had for many years been engaged with continental philosophy and in a series of books published in the course of the 1960s he sought to develop what he called ‘an existential-phenomenological foundation for a science of persons’ and sought to set out a description of the experience of those labelled schizophrenic. Such people, Laing argued, suffered from ontological insecurity, a lack of faith in their own and others' reality which led them to create false self systems to fend off psychological and emotional catastrophe. Laing wanted to make madness and the process of going mad comprehensible, and to a great many people, including many of those afflicted, he did so convincingly. The discourse of the 'mad', he showed, if listened to in the right spirit could make a sense of its own. This was to be the line of thought that Laing would pursue for many years in The Divided Self (1960), Self and Others (1961), Sanity, Madness and the Family (1964) and The Politics of Experience (1967). (After this his writings became more diffuse, sometimes arguably self indulgent, but still capable of great insight). (Leer+)


Explicando a Laing

... Como libro pionero en su consideración de la esquizofrenia, y también por su carácter revolucionario y sus afirmaciones heterodoxas (pese a basarse completamente en análisis clínicos y emplear Esterson y Laing un lenguaje cuidadosamente clínico y objetivo, una tendencia no siempre presente en otros libros de Laing, como The Politics of Experience, de 1967 o Knots, de 1970). Sanity, Madness and the Family fue un libro polémico que recibió numerosas críticas. La primera y más obvia - y algo de lo que Esterson y Laing eran conscientes tras su publicación - es que, como apuntamos previamente, no se publicaron los datos del grupo de control formado por familias no esquizofrenogénicas, donde las interacciones y comunicación no estuvieran basadas enel uso de dobles vínculos y comunicaciones de doble sentido. Pese a que un grupo de control es absolutamente imprescindible para un estudio científico serio, el tiempo ha jugado a favor de las afirmaciones de Laing y Esterson en su obra, puesto que en investigaciones empíricas recientes sobre la influencia del factor familiar en la esquizofrenia, como las de Nevid, Rathus y Greene, se ha demostrado el papel fundamental de la familia en el desarrollo de una personalidad independiente.Objetividad y estilo que se repetirían en el estudio sobre comunicación y patología conjunto con Phillipson y Lee en 1966, Interpersonal Perception, un análisis de los modos de comunicación en parejas.(ontológicamente segura, diría Laing) o el recurso, por presión familiar, a defensas esquizofrenogénicas.La publicación de este libro tuvo, sin embargo, consecuencias más a largo plazo, y no sólo dentro del contexto médico, para la carrera y reputación de Laing. Algunas críticas no bien documentadas llegaron a afirmar que Laing se oponía al concepto mismo de familia, y que lo consideraba una célula de organización social enferma que aliena y destruye al individuo. A esta percepción errónea de las afirmaciones de Laing no ayudó, precisamente, su estrecha relación con David Cooper, pensador radical en lo tocante a la familia (suyos son libros con títulos tan reveladores como The Death of the Family (1971) o The Language of Madness (1978) , en los que la familia se compara a una granja donde los adolescentes son cebados como cochinillos para luego ser“sacrificados” al dios de la cruel y homogeneizadora sociedad). Así, a raíz de la publicación casi simultánea de estas obras de Cooper (que Laing consideraba radicales ya en ese momento), se identificó a Laing con las ideas extremadamente violentas y revolucionarias de su colega. La misión que Cooper se impuso en sus publicaciones eraincitar a la revolución y a la destrucción de la organización social tradicional, cargando las tintas en la familia, como origen de los males sociales, incluso en individuos aparentemente sanos y adaptados. En la obra conjunta de Laing y Cooper, Reason and Violence (1964), las partes escritas por Laing nunca son tan radicales en sus planteamientos como las de su colega, que se aproxima en ocasiones al marxismo puromás que a la práctica psiquiátrica. Así, se ha criticado a Laing por culpar a los padres de los pacientes esquizofrénicos de la aparición de síntomas en sus hijos, sin embargo, su intención en este libro con Esterson, y en otras obras posteriores, no era rechazar y demonizar la familia en sí, sino mostrar cómo la locura no es algo que surjaespontáneamente del paciente mismo, sino, más bien, como el resultado de un mecanismo de presión social. Las familias de este estudio son familias disfuncionales (lo que no significa que todas lo sean), que producen en el individuo que es tratado por locura una serie de condiciones patológicas (llamados síntomas esquizofrénicos), queno son sino una expresión patológica de la disfunción de toda la familia. Tampoco negó Laing que los esquizofrénicos tuvieran problemas para operar en su vida diaria; Laing reconoce la dura y traumática experiencia de la locura, si bien disiente en la interpretación más “clásica” de los orígenes de ésta, y prefiere buscarlos en el ámbito de la interexperiencia, es decir, en el campo de los intercambios sociales. La locura tienesu origen no en trastornos dentro de uno mismo, sino que surge de la relación entre personas (véanse Laing y Esterson 1964; y Laing, H. Phillipson y A.R. Lee 1966). ... Méndez García, Carmen (2004)



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